Indigenous · History Classes · Grades 10–13 · College · University

Bannock and the Removal Roads: The Flour Breads of Displacement

History Class · Level band: Grades 10–13 · College · University

English edition — the language editions of the history classes are outstanding and will follow the site’s translation pattern; none is fabricated here.

Bannock and the Removal Roads: The Flour Breads of Displacement

Status: Researched draft — cultural review pending

How to read this entry: Documented fact = a published primary account, an official or tribal record, or published scholarship (Sources). Tradition — the people's own account = Indigenous oral history or Indigenous-organisation teaching, labelled as such. Debated / Claim = a disputed point, carried with its positions and never settled by assertion. This is a history of foods and of the roads they were eaten on; it gives no recipes in quantities and no health advice. Where the record describes what a ration diet did to people's health, that is stated as the record states it — as history, not as instruction and not as judgment on any table where these breads are served today.

Scope — two breads, one table of flour, and a distinction this entry will not blur

• Documented fact: this entry follows two flour breads. Bannock is a Scottish bread carried into North America by the fur trade and taken up — and remade — by First Nations and Métis peoples (The Canadian Encyclopedia, "Bannock," n.d.). Frybread is the fried flour bread whose best-known origin account is Diné (Navajo): the Long Walk of 1864 and the imprisonment at Bosque Redondo — Hwéeldi — where government rations of flour, sugar and lard are documented (Miller, Smithsonian Magazine, 2008).
• The kinship, stated plainly: both breads were born of ration flour under forced displacement — peoples cut off from their own food systems and handed bags of flour, lard and salt by the governments that had displaced them: on Canada's reserves (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.), in the Cherokee stockades and detachments of 1838–39 (§7), and at Bosque Redondo in 1864–68 (§8). That is the connection, and it is a true one.
• The distinction, stated just as plainly: bannock is not documented as a food of the Cherokee Trail of Tears. No source consulted for this entry records bannock — or frybread — on that road; the breads documented there are corn meal and ration flour (§7). Bannock's documented home is the northern fur trade and the reserve era in Canada; frybread's best-known documented home is the Diné confinement at Bosque Redondo. The breads are kin through the ration system, not through a shared birthplace, and each nation's record is kept distinct below.

Part 1 — Bannock

1. The Word and the Scottish Bread

• The word. Documented fact: "bannock" derives from the Gaelic bannach, "morsel," which in turn likely came from the Latin panis, bread (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.).
• The bread in Scotland. Documented fact: the bannock that came to North America was Scotland's everyday flat bread — usually unleavened, oval-shaped and flat, made in its homeland most often of barley, peameal or oatmeal, with wheat flour introduced later; the Scots cooked it on a griddle called a bannock stone set before the fire. In its most rudimentary North American form it is flour, water, and fat or lard, with milk, salt and sugar often added depending on the recipe (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.).

2. Older Breads Were Here First

• Documented fact: unleavened bread-like foods are far older in the Americas than bannock. Some Indigenous nations made them from the starch or flour of bracken rhizomes, cooked on rocks over fire, in sand, or in earth ovens; camas bulbs were baked for long periods, dried, and flattened or chopped and formed into cakes and loaves (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.). Corn breads of the farming nations stand in the strand's Farming entry. Bannock did not arrive in a land without bread; it arrived in a land whose own breads were about to be cut off from their makers.

3. The Fur-Trade Road

• The conventional account. Documented fact, at the level the reference record states it: it is conventionally believed that Scottish fur traders — the Selkirk settlers are named in the same account — introduced bannock to the Indigenous peoples of North America during the 18th and 19th centuries (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.).
• A working bread. Documented fact: bannock became a staple for voyageurs, fur traders and prospectors before it became one for Indigenous peoples — a quick, simple, carbohydrate-rich food in country where such food was hard to come by. Travellers mixed the dough right inside the flour bag and tossed it onto a pan when the need arose (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.).
• The stick and the fire. Tradition — the people's and the trade's own folklore, labelled as such in the source: Scottish men travelling by canoe made a well in the flour, poured in water, stirred with their fingers, wrapped the dough around a stick and roasted it over the campfire, and shared it with their Indigenous guides (Powers, "Canada: Native Peoples," Encyclopaedia of Food and Culture, via encyclopedia.com, n.d.). The stick-cooked form is still made outdoors today (§5).
• The Métis bread. Documented fact: the Métis took bannock up as their own travelling and family food — in Michif, la gaalet — quick to make and filling, made simply of flour, baking powder, salt, water and lard, baked, fried, or cooked over an open fire, and for that reason a popular meal for travelling Métis fur traders; today many Métis families hold their own bannock recipes, passed down through generations and served at Métis celebrations with jam, butter or honey (Otipemisiwak Métis Government, Bountiful Bannock, 2025). Métis businesswoman and bannock maker Maria Lee (Bannock Queen, Vancouver) teaches the same road in her own words: flours and grains reached Indigenous people through the fur trade alongside the Indigenous pemmican the trade ran on, and both became the provisions that carried workers through Canadian winters (Lee, in La Source, 2022).

4. Baking Powder Changes the Bread

• Documented fact: the earliest bannock was unleavened — flour, water and fat, nothing to lift it. Baking powder was invented in the mid-19th century, and its arrival made the bread lighter and better-tasting and spread it further (Lee, in La Source, 2022). The raised, fluffy bannock most often eaten today — and the baking-powder frybread of the Southwest — belong to the bread's second, ration-era life, not to the griddle bread of the first trade years.

5. Forms and Names — How the Peoples Made It Their Own

• The forms. Documented fact: bannock is traditionally cooked as a large round biscuit baked in a frying pan; today it is most often oven-baked (heavy and dense), pan-fried (light and fluffy), or deep-fried; outdoors it is still cooked over a campfire, wrapped around a stick or in a heavy iron skillet on hot coals. When the dough is fried in fat, the bread is also called fry bread or fried bread (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.; Powers, n.d.). Berries — blueberries, saskatoons — or raisins are worked into the dough in many family versions (Powers, n.d.; The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.).
• The names. Documented fact: most Indigenous nations in North America have some version of bannock, under their own names — Inuit call it palauga, Mi'kmaq luskinikn, Ojibwe ba'wezhiganag (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.); the Métis name stands above (la gaalet, Otipemisiwak Métis Government, 2025). A bread that began with a Gaelic name now answers to names in the languages of the peoples who kept it alive.

6. Rations and Reserves — Bannock in Canada's Confinement

• Documented fact: bannock's second life in Canada is a confinement history. The Canadian Encyclopedia states it without softening: bannock is a reminder that Indigenous peoples were forced to eat new foods when Europeans colonized the land that is now Canada; many peoples were moved off their territories and onto reserves, where they could not hunt as they once had; the Canadian government supplied rations of flour, lard, sugar and eggs; and bannock became a necessity to prevent starvation on reserves (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.).
• Tradition — a Métis maker's account of the ration itself: Maria Lee teaches that after the Hudson's Bay Company era ended and communities were forced onto reserves, their main food source, the bison, over-hunted, food handouts began — "a typical month's rations would be 50 per cent wheat flour" — forcing a carbohydrate-rich diet on peoples whose diets had been meat and vegetables; "Bannock, through necessity, innovation and just plain making do with what you have, came out of this" (Lee, in La Source, 2022). Carried as her teaching; the ration composition is consistent with the Encyclopedia's account.
• The pattern to hold for Part 2: what happened on Canada's reserves — a people displaced, its own foods destroyed or forbidden, and flour issued in their place — is the same pattern the United States ran on its removal roads and in its internment camps, a generation earlier and a generation later. The breads differ by nation. The flour bag is the same.

Part 2 — The Removal Roads

7. The Cherokee Trail of Tears, 1838–39 — What the Record Says They Ate

Senior band only. Nothing in this section stands in the Grades 4–6 class.

• The removal. Documented fact: in May 1838, federal troops and state militias began rounding up the Cherokee into stockades; families were separated and people were given only moments to collect cherished possessions, while white looters ransacked the homesteads behind them. Three groups went in the summer by rail, boat and wagon; some 15,000 captives still awaited removal, in crowding, poor sanitation and drought. The Cherokee won a delay until autumn and the conduct of their own removal; by November 1838, thirteen groups of about 1,000 each were trudging some 800 miles overland to the west, on meagre rations, with little grazing or game to supplement them; two-thirds of them were trapped at times between the ice-bound Ohio and Mississippi rivers in January; some drank stagnant water and died of disease. By March 1839 all survivors had arrived (National Park Service, Trail of Tears National Historic Trail, n.d.). The Cherokee name for the road is Nunna daul Isunyi — "the Trail Where They Cried" (American Yawp, ch. 9, n.d.).
• The death toll is an estimate and is carried as one. Documented fact: no one counted the dead. Elizur Butler, the missionary doctor who accompanied the Cherokee, estimated that over 4,000 died — nearly a fifth of the Cherokee people (National Park Service, n.d.).
• The ration, as ordered. Documented fact — the primary orders: General Winfield Scott's orders for the roundup camps directed that to each Cherokee prisoner there be issued daily, without regard to age or sex, one pound of flour and half a pound of bacon; a follow-up order allowed a pint of corn to be issued in place of the pound of flour (Scott, Orders Nos. 34–35, May 1838, as transcribed in the removal records). Flour was on this road from the first day — as a prison ration, issued by measure, to people who had been farmers of corn.
• The ration, as contracted. Documented fact: when the Cherokee Nation under John Ross took over the conduct of the removal, the 10 August 1838 agreement with Lewis Ross specified the ration each emigrant was to receive: one pound of fresh beef or pork, or three-quarters of a pound of salt pork or bacon; three half-pints of corn meal, or one pound of wheat flour (or, if neither could be had, three pints of corn); with coffee, brown sugar and salt issued at set rates per hundred rations, and soap and horse forage besides (McMillion, Cherokee Indian Removal, East Tennessee State University thesis, 2003, citing the agreement in Moulton, ed., The Papers of Chief John Ross). The contract describes what was owed. The road delivered less.
• The ration, as it actually ran. Documented fact: Thomas B. Emmerson, commissary agent for one detachment of about 800 people, deposed afterward — in the Treasury accounting records now studied by historians — that with no storage he bought only three basic foodstuffs on the road: corn meal, wheat flour, and bacon; his deposition tells of shortages and of the extravagant prices he had to pay because of harsh weather, local crop failures and price gougers (Tangled Histories, "On the Trail of Tears," n.d., from the National Archives depositions). Dozens of wagons carried the food, the blankets, the camp supplies, and the Cherokee too old, weak or young to march (Emmerson deposition, via Tangled Histories, n.d.).
• What the ration did. Documented fact — the earliest ethnographer's judgment: James Mooney recorded that hundreds died in the stockades and waiting camps "chiefly by reason of the rations furnished, which were of flour and other provisions to which they were unaccustomed and which they did not know how to prepare properly," and that hundreds more died soon after arrival from sickness and exposure; altogether, he wrote, it is asserted "probably with reason" that over 4,000 Cherokee died as the direct result of the removal (Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee, 1900, as quoted in Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History). Before removal, the Cherokee were a farming people of corn, beans and squash with game, fruits and garden produce (see the strand's Farming entry; Mihesuah, 2015, Ethnohistory, on the Five Tribes' pre-removal diet).
• The distinction, again, on the record: the breads of this road, as the record carries them, are corn meal and ration flour — flour issued by the pound and eaten as ration bread and meal, in stockades and winter camps. No source consulted records bannock on the Trail of Tears, and none records frybread there. Anyone who teaches that bannock was "a Trail of Tears food" teaches past the record. What the Trail of Tears and the bannock country share is documented and is enough: the same instrument — a displaced people, its own food system destroyed, and government flour issued in its place.

8. The Diné Long Walk and Hwéeldi, 1864–68 — Where the Frybread Story Is Documented to Begin

• The scorched earth and the walk. Documented fact: after U.S. Army campaigns under General James Carleton, with Colonel Kit Carson's scorched-earth destruction of Diné homes, crops, orchards and livestock, the Diné were rounded up beginning in 1864 and driven from their homeland on the Long Walk — a trek of some 300–400 miles to Bosque Redondo, beside Fort Sumner in eastern New Mexico. Up to 10,000 Diné were held there (National Archives, Prologue blog, "The Navajo Treaty of 1868," 2018). The Crow Canyon Archaeological Center's account gives more than 8,500 men, women and children making the winter trek of over 300 miles, with approximately 200 dying of starvation and exposure on the way — its figures carried here as that centre's account (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, "The Long Walk of the Navajo," n.d.). The place and the suffering bear one Diné name: Hwéeldi.
• The confinement. Documented fact: Bosque Redondo's land could not support the people held on it — poor soil, failed irrigation, crops destroyed — and the imprisoned Diné could not grow their traditional staples of vegetables and beans (National Archives, 2018; Miller, 2008). They ate what the government issued, or they starved.
• The rations. Documented fact: to prevent the imprisoned people from starving, the government gave them canned goods as well as white flour, processed sugar and lard — "the makings of frybread" (Miller, Smithsonian Magazine, 2008). Anthropologist Charlotte J. Frisbie's term for the issue is "surrender foods": bacon and lard, white flour — often vermin-infested — sugar and coffee, foods that had never before been a major part of the Diné diet (Frisbie, Food Sovereignty the Navajo Way, UNM Press, 2018, as carried in Sourced Journeys, n.d.).
• Tradition — the Diné telling of the bread: a Diné writer tells it as the people tell it: "As a Diné person, I'm told the origin of this staple was created out of hardship at the place we call Hwéeldi, or Place of Suffering, where we were interned at Bosque Redondo. There, we were given the ingredients for a White man's survival… women with indestructible spirits existing in unimaginable conditions were tasked with the obligation of survival and a sacred responsibility to feed the people. So they made something out of virtually nothing" (New Mexico Magazine, "The Indigenous Taco's Origin Story," 2024). Carried as the people's own account, in their own words, at that label.
• The return. Documented fact: on 1 June 1868 the Treaty of 1868 was signed at Fort Sumner, freeing the Diné; on 18 June 1868 they began the walk home to a portion of their historic lands (National Archives, 2018; Crow Canyon, n.d.). The bread made at Hwéeldi walked home with them.

9. Debated — Was Frybread Really Born at Bosque Redondo?

• Debated / Claim. The Bosque Redondo origin is the widely told account — carried by the Smithsonian (§8) and held as tradition by Diné tellers — but it is not unchallenged in scholarship, and this entry does not settle it.
• Position one — the documented core. The rations themselves are not in dispute: flour, sugar, lard and canned goods were issued at Bosque Redondo to a people forbidden their own foods (Miller, 2008; Frisbie, 2018). Fried flour breads are documented across Native North America by the later 19th and 20th centuries, wherever ration and commodity flour reached (Cyr & Slater, 2016; §10).
• Position two — the critique. Devon A. Mihesuah (Choctaw), the leading scholarly critic of the frybread celebration, states the objection directly: the claim that "fry bread was born out of government rations given to Navajos on a forced relocation to Eastern New Mexico in the 1860s" is, in her word, a myth — "they did not fry flour at Bosque Redondo" — and her investigation found the dish's exact origins unclear and the survival-tale framing partly a modern construction (Mihesuah, "Indigenous Health Initiatives, Frybread, and the Marketing of Non-Traditional 'Traditional' American Indian Foods," Native American and Indigenous Studies 3/2, 2016, pp. 45–69).
• How this entry holds it: the Long Walk, the confinement and the rations are Documented fact; the making of the first frybread at Hwéeldi is Tradition — the Diné people's own account, honoured at that label; the single-moment, single-place origin is Debated. What no position disputes: within living memory of the removals, flour breads fried and baked from government issue had become the breads of displaced peoples across the continent — and the peoples themselves made them theirs.

10. Why They Are Kin — Ration Flour Under Forced Displacement

• Documented fact: the pattern repeats on both sides of the border and across the whole period: Canada's reserve rations of flour, lard, sugar and eggs, with bannock "a necessity to prevent starvation" (§6); the Cherokee stockade ration of a pound of flour and half a pound of bacon a day (§7); Bosque Redondo's flour, sugar and lard (§8). Scholars of food and colonization name the class plainly: bannock, "also known as frybread in North America," stands as the iconic food of government commodity handouts of flour and lard to Indigenous populations displaced and distanced from their food sources (Cyr & Slater, 2016, in Foods of Oppression, Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems, 2021, citing Mihesuah, 2003, 2016, 2020).
• The commodity era continued the ration. Documented fact: federal commodity-food distribution to Native communities did not end with the removals; multigenerational commodity use is documented in the health literature into the present, with its patterns of preference and its costs (Chino et al., 2009, as reviewed in Foods of Oppression, 2021). The flour bag outlived the stockade.
• The teaching of this entry, in one line: these breads were not gifts and were not ancient traditions. They are what skilled cooks — most of them women, on every road and in every camp — made out of the instrument of their people's displacement, and what their grandchildren turned into the bread of gathering. Both halves of that sentence are the history.

Part 3 — The Breads Today, and the Honest Health Discussion

11. The Breads Today

• Documented fact: bannock is popular today among First Nations at powwows, festivals and family gatherings — deep-fried, pan-fried or oven-baked — and the fried bread topped with chili, cheese, lettuce and tomato as the "Indian taco" is a staple of the powwow circuit now spreading into city restaurants; Indigenous-owned cafés build their names on it, as British Columbia's Kekuli Cafe does with its slogan "Don't Panic… We Have Bannock!" (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.). Frybread stands the same way across the United States — at powwows and family tables, in Navajo tacos, linking "generation with generation" (Miller, 2008).
• Documented fact — the bread is argued over, lovingly and seriously, by Indigenous people themselves: for many trying to decolonize their lives, bannock is a tricky subject, bearing the traces of its colonial history in its flour and its frying; yet cooking it — exploring the older bread-ways and experimenting with new recipes — can be empowering (The Canadian Encyclopedia, "Significance," n.d.). Among chefs, some decline to serve it as a colonial ration food, while others claim it as Indigenous by adoption — "this is what kept us alive during those difficult times" (Edmonton-area Indigenous chefs, quoted in The Holistic Healing, n.d.). This entry records the argument; it does not referee it.

12. The Health Discussion — Stated with Sources, Not Moralized

• Documented fact: the ration diet was a documented injury before it was a cuisine. Mooney saw it in 1838 (§7). The modern record is stated in the same register: Native Americans carry the highest rates of type 2 diabetes in the United States (Indian Health Service figures, as cited in Mihesuah, 2016); scholars trace a direct line from the mid-1800s dietary break — fresh flora and fauna replaced by calorie-dense wheat flour, sugar, salt and lard, issued as rations — to the diet-related disease burden that followed (Mihesuah, Ethnohistory, 2015; Cyr & Slater, 2016).
• A named Indigenous voice, at full strength: Devon Mihesuah teaches that frybread epitomizes the colonized diet — "Obesity, high blood pressure and diabetes have taken over. It's like a tidal wave" — and campaigns for a return to the ancestors' gardens and foods (Mihesuah, in KU News, University of Kansas, 2019; Recovering Our Ancestors' Gardens, 2005). Her students' expectation, recorded in her 2016 essay, that they speak of "when they develop type 2 diabetes, not 'if'," stands in the record as testimony of what the ration era left behind.
• The other pole, also documented: the same bread is held by many of the same peoples as the symbol of their survival of that era — in the Smithsonian's summary, frybread symbolizes "both perseverance and pain" (Miller, 2008). Community voices cut consumption, bake instead of fry, use whole-wheat flour and honey or maple syrup in place of refined sugar (The Canadian Encyclopedia, n.d.) — adaptations carried here as the record of what communities are doing, not as advice.
• This entry's discipline: the documented cause in this history is the ration system — displacement, destroyed food systems, and issued flour — not the cooks, and not the grandchildren who gather around the bread. The health record is stated because it is part of the true history David charged this strand to tell; it is not stated to shame any table.

Sources

• The Canadian Encyclopedia. "Bannock." n.d. — the word; the Scottish bread; the fur-trade introduction; voyageur practice; reserve rations; forms and names; bannock today; significance.
• Powers, Jo Marie. "Canada: Native Peoples" (bannock section), Encyclopaedia of Food and Culture, via encyclopedia.com. n.d. — the stick-and-campfire folklore (labelled folklore in the source); fried form's name; berries.
• Otipemisiwak Métis Government (Métis Nation of Alberta). Bountiful Bannock, Natoona Michif Pimatisiwin series. 2025. — Métis bannock; la gaalet; family recipes; travel food.
• Lee, Maria (Bannock Queen), in "Creating Culture with Bannocks," La Source. 2022. — fur-trade flour and pemmican; baking powder's mid-19th-century arrival; the reserve ration ("50 per cent wheat flour") as her teaching.
• National Park Service. "Discovering the Trail of Tears on the Natchez Trace," Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. n.d. — the roundup, stockades, detachments, meagre rations, Butler's estimate.
• Scott, Winfield. Orders Nos. 34–35 and after-orders, May 1838, as transcribed from the removal records. — the stockade ration: one pound of flour, half a pound of bacon; corn in lieu.
• McMillion, [thesis]. Cherokee Indian Removal: The Treaty of New Echota and General Winfield Scott. East Tennessee State University, 2003, citing Moulton, ed., The Papers of Chief John Ross. — the 10 August 1838 Lewis Ross ration agreement, verbatim specification.
• Emmerson, Thomas B., deposition (commissary agent, Brown detachment), National Archives Treasury accounting records, as presented in Tangled Histories, "On the Trail of Tears." n.d. — corn meal, wheat flour and bacon; shortages; prices; the wagons.
• Mooney, James. Myths of the Cherokee. 1900, as quoted in Thornton, Russell, The Cherokees: A Population History. — the stockade deaths and the rations; the 4,000 assertion.
• American Yawp, ch. 9. n.d. — Nunna daul Isunyi, "the Trail Where They Cried."
• National Archives (Prologue blog). "The Navajo Treaty of 1868: A Personal Story." 2018. — up to 10,000 Diné; the 350–400-mile trek; Hwéeldi; the treaty of 1 June 1868.
• Crow Canyon Archaeological Center. "The Long Walk of the Navajo," Peoples of Mesa Verde. n.d. — 8,500+; ~200 deaths on the walk (the centre's account); the 18 June 1868 walk home.
• Miller, Jen. "Frybread." Smithsonian Magazine. July 2008. — the Long Walk origin account; canned goods, white flour, processed sugar and lard; "both perseverance and pain" (her summary, via the powwow record).
• Frisbie, Charlotte J. Food Sovereignty the Navajo Way. UNM Press, 2018, as carried in Sourced Journeys, "Through food." n.d. — "surrender foods": bacon/lard, white flour (often vermin-infested), sugar, coffee.
• New Mexico Magazine. "The Indigenous Taco's Origin Story." 2024. — the Diné telling of the bread at Hwéeldi, in a Diné writer's words (Tradition label).
• Mihesuah, Devon A. "Indigenous Health Initiatives, Frybread, and the Marketing of Non-Traditional 'Traditional' American Indian Foods." Native American and Indigenous Studies 3/2 (Fall 2016): 45–69. — the critique of the Bosque Redondo origin; the health record; the students' testimony.
• Mihesuah, Devon A. Recovering Our Ancestors' Gardens (2005) and Ethnohistory essay on Five Tribes sustenance (2015); and "Indigenous food sovereignty examined," KU News, University of Kansas, 2019. — the dietary break and its disease burden; her stated position.
• Cyr, M., & Slater, J. (2016), as carried in "Foods of Oppression," Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems (2021), with Chino et al. (2009). — bannock/frybread as the iconic commodity-handout food; multigenerational commodity use.
• "Edmonton area Indigenous chefs share traditional recipes," The Holistic Healing. n.d. — bannock's colonial roots debated among chefs; "Indigenous by adoption"; "this is what kept us alive."

Flagged claims and weakest-sourced points: (1) The Scottish/Selkirk introduction is the reference record's conventional belief, stated at that level in §3. (2) The Bosque Redondo frybread origin is carried as Tradition with the scholarly critique printed beside it (§9) — the entry asserts the rations, not the first frying. (3) Maria Lee's "50 per cent wheat flour" ration figure is her teaching, labelled Tradition, not an audited ration table. (4) Diné numbers on the Long Walk vary by authority (8,000–10,000; walk deaths ~200 in one centre's account, higher totals elsewhere in the literature) — the entry prints each figure with its source attached and constructs no total. (5) The Cherokee death toll rests on Butler's contemporary estimate and Mooney's "probably with reason" — carried as estimates throughout. (6) The stick-and-flour-bag practices rest on the Encyclopedia's account and on a source that labels its own stick story folklore; both are carried at those levels.

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